Predrag Marsenić: Justice for all, corruption and the media are the first tasks of the new government The elections took place in a referendum-like atmosphere in which voters were not choosing on the basis of classic… Ceo tekst
Predrag Marsenić: Justice for all, corruption and the media are the first tasks of the new government
The elections took place in a referendum-like atmosphere in which voters were not choosing on the basis of classic party programmes, but were voting exclusively for or against Aleksandar Vučić. Fortunately, the majority of the people were against Vučić. I am extremely glad that this story is over, although one should be aware that Vučić received 1.7 million votes. On that basis, he will continue to struggle on, to spread hatred in the media, which is extremely bad for society as a whole. We and the other opposition parties ended up as a kind of collateral damage because we failed to cross the electoral threshold. But we will be back, Predrag Marsenić, vice-president of the New Democratic Party of Serbia (Novi DSS), said in an interview with NIN.
What are the first tasks of the victorious student list after parliament and the government are formed?
To bring justice to this country. After all, that is what they promised as the basic element of their programme. But it must be done in an entirely lawful and institutional way. All those who brought the state to this condition must be held accountable for their actions. Above all, I mean Aleksandar Vučić’s violation of the Constitution and the coup d’état carried out in the National Assembly by Ana Brnabić when the budget was passed without any debate at all. Alongside establishing justice, the new government’s basic task must also be the fight against corruption.
But none of that can be done in a short period of time, as a good number of the voters who supported them expect. The police are the same, the prosecutors are the same...
That is resolved by changing the social climate. Once the situation in society shifts, those people who were party loyalists will realise that the time of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) has passed, and then they too will begin to act strictly in accordance with the law. Pressure simply has to be exerted through the institutions themselves. We absolutely insist that the law be respected; we are not in favour of any kind of mob justice. But it should be stressed that the electoral process has still not been completed; we must wait to see whether there will be repeat voting... Only when the Republic Electoral Commission (RIK) declares the final results does the 30-day deadline for constituting parliament begin to run. There is a possibility that the former authorities may delay repeat voting in certain places. Secondly, for the Assembly to be constituted, at least two thirds of the elected MPs must be present. Without them, that is not impossible, although I do not believe they will go that far. Although nothing they do would surprise me any more. They governed this country so foully, lowered the level of public discourse and behaviour, and introduced so much corruption and crime that one might think they are ready for anything. But I do not believe they will block parliament. It must also be taken into account that, in everything he did, Vučić listened to the West, and above all to Germany. Among other things, as a result of that, we now have the fulfilment of the West’s long-standing wish to establish a two-party system in Serbia.
What are the biggest problems Serbia is facing?
There are three major problems that the new government must begin addressing immediately. The first, and most basic, is the establishment of equal justice for all citizens and holding to account those who have been destroying the state for 14 years. The second is a determined fight against corruption, and the third is the complete liberalisation of the media landscape so that everyone can speak freely.
However, Serbia has other problems as well. You know, corruption is a problem affecting our three current generations, and we can resolve that relatively quickly if there is political will. However, the issue of Kosovo and Metohija is a problem for all generations – those of 1389 and 1912, our ancestors who fought for it, but also our descendants. I expect enormous external pressure on the new government on that issue. The Franco-German agreement and the Ohrid annex (an implementation annex linked to EU-facilitated talks between Belgrade and Priština), which have been incorporated into Chapter 35, explicitly provide for mutual recognition and for our southern province to be treated as an independent state. If there is continued blind insistence on the European path, the conditions will also include recognising Kosovo and imposing sanctions on Russia, which would carry enormous economic consequences. Instead of paying 1 billion, we would have to pay 3 billion dollars a year for gas. That is why it is important to redefine relations with the EU and to resist pressures that undermine our vital national and economic interests.
No opposition party crossed the threshold, nor did the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). Is that exclusively the result of the referendum-like atmosphere, or were there also mistakes on the opposition’s side?
It is primarily the result of the referendum-like atmosphere. Of course, there is also our share of the blame to the extent that we failed to convince citizens that we would cross the threshold, while the public pressure was far too strong. When you find yourself in a situation where voters who are against Vučić, but support us, have to choose whether to supposedly waste their vote because they hear from all sides that we will not cross the threshold and that the margin will be small, or to vote for someone who is certain to get through, they become frightened. In such circumstances, many even decided while standing in line at the polling station to vote for the safer option. In addition, we went through terrible pressure, both in the media and on social networks. The authorities became frightened that they really could be removed from power because we clearly said that we would form a government with the Student List.
Do you now think that Novi DSS’s decision to run in the elections was a mistake?
The decision to run in the elections instead of supporting the Student List had two reasons. The first concerned our experience in the Belgrade elections in 2023. When we received information that Nestorović would run, we realised that there was a danger that he would pull away part of the opposition’s national vote. In order to avoid that kind of deception being repeated, we called ourselves the Authentic Right and set out two clear criteria: cooperation with the European Union, yes, but membership, no; and bringing down Vučić at any cost. The second reason lies in our party’s statute, which does not allow support for another political organisation. Had we supported someone else, that would have meant having to abolish ourselves.
If the Authentic Right had crossed the threshold, today we would not have a pure one-party or two-party system. We would have a party with democratic capacity within it, and one that is genuinely patriotic. One that could in future attract some of the voters of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and enable the pluralism that would prevent the deep divisions and conflicts in society that we have witnessed over the past two years.
Miloš Jovanović told NIN the day after the election that he would withdraw from public life...
Miloš announced his withdrawal from the position of party president and from public life. Decisions on the next steps will be taken by the party presidency. This is quite a complicated situation for us because Miloš is an exceptionally honourable and capable man, and it would be a great loss for Serbia to lose such a politician. We will try to ensure an appropriate transition and prevent his complete departure, because at this moment we do not need an extraordinary electoral assembly, which would be difficult to organise. Within the party, we are all equal, and Miloš was first among equals. I believe he will not withdraw completely.
Will DSS return to parliament, and how?
The New Democratic Party of Serbia (Novi DSS) will continue to exist and will return to the political scene. New elections await us, in which the subject will once again have to be politics. Democracy simply cannot function without parties. I expect that, over time, the Student List too will have to grow into one or perhaps several political organisations.
However, before new elections, the most important thing is to bring the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) into line, in the sense that all those who committed criminal offences over the past 14 years must answer for them. Only after that can we go to new elections. Vučić will not be able to repeat the result of 1.7 million votes because that party will fragment the moment the financial resources and media power disappear. On the other hand, our party has existed for 34 years, has spent 18 years in opposition, and we survived all that without resources because we have a clear ideology and believe in our ideas.
Do you expect regrouping on the existing opposition scene? Serbia has too many small opposition parties...
It bothers me when people in public ask what the opposition has done over 14 years. Analyses show that we, as the national opposition, successfully made inroads into the electorate of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). After the events surrounding Kosovo and Metohija in 2023, we managed permanently to separate more than 200,000 voters from Vučić. Those people never voted for him again. The students have now succeeded in mobilising younger people and the undecided, which has added new strength to the opposition bloc. The opposition has done a great deal; it brought down the key bricks in that wall of power.
As for the consolidation of the opposition and pre-election coalitions, we could not form alliances with groupings we suspected would switch to Vučić’s side after the election, which was confirmed in the case of Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski. We function extremely well with the monarchists.
Are you a monarchist?
Personally, I believe that monarchy is a better solution for Serbia. Since 1945, we have had the problem that authoritarian leaders, from Tito, through Milošević, to Vučić, come to think they are greater than the state. We need a non-partisan figure who will unite the people and serve as a neutral guarantor of stability, someone who is not elected in elections and does not interfere in everyday political life.
